Interview with Ali Kurdistani (A Kurdish Journalist) by Angad Singh

I met Ali Kurdistani in Nicosia, Cyprus in the summer of 2006 while attending a symposium on Middle East conflicts. I approached Mr. Kurdistani for this interview because the Kurdish perspective has been largely overlooked in the common discourse about Iraq. However, Mr. Kurdistani’s views are his own and do not necessarily reflect those of International Intelligencer.
-Angad Singh

Q: Hello and thank you for participating in the interview. Can you give me your name, job, and what publications you have written for?

A: First of all, I want to thank International Intelligencer for giving me this opportunity to extend my view to the American people. My name is Ali Kurdistani, and I am a political writer and journalist in Iraqi Kurdistan. Since 2001 I have been writing articles and stories for many local Kurdish newspapers like Kurdistani Nwe, Aso, Hawal, Hawlati, and most recently, Soma Digest. Most of these are political newspapers, some belong to Kurdish political parties, and others are independent. Most of my articles are about political affairs especially political Islam, US foreign policy towards Iran and Iraq, Kurdish–American relations, and Israeli foreign policy.

Q: Many people are unaware of what makes the Kurdish people unique. Can you describe how the Kurds are different from Arabs?

A: The Kurds are politically and culturally much closer to the West than Arabs. We are pro-Westerners but the Arabs are anti–Westerners. This is generally true because there are some open-minded Arabs, but very a few in Iraq. There is currently no violence against Americans and other foreigners in Kurdistan; no American soldier has been killed by the Kurds or in Kurdistan. Meanwhile in Arab areas of Iraq, there is daily terror against Americans and all Westerners. The Kurds are looking for a secular state in Iraq like the American and European secular and democratic models. Even though we are Muslims, there are few Islamists in Kurdistan. We are frankly rejecting the establishment of an Islamic government in Iraq and Kurdistan. We promote the Kurdish secular view to solve Iraqi problems while Arab Islamists promote a religious view. This is one of the main differences between the Kurds and Arabs in the current Iraq.

Q: Can you explain how Kurdistan operates within the greater Iraq? How Independent is it from the rest of the country? Is there a struggle to disarm the peshmerga, the Kurdish militia?

A: Kurdistan is like another country in Iraq right now. There is a different economic, political, and security situation in Kurdistan than other parts of Iraq. Kurdistan is not separated officially from Iraq yet, even though we have our own government, parliament, and Kurdistan President, Masoud Barzani. Kurdistan is well guarded by the Kurdish Army, the peshmarga, and Kurdish security guards. Economically, we are still getting money from the Iraqi government, which is our own share of Iraqi oil money that is divided among the Iraqi governates. Kurdistan is mostly independent politically, even in our relations with the US, EU, and other regional neighbors. Economically, we are going to have our own oilfields in Kurdistan. About the peshmarga, there is no struggle to disarm the peshmarga by the Iraqi government and America, because the peshmarga is not a militia group like others in Iraq. The peshmarga is now an official Kurdish Army to protect Kurdistan.

Q: What is the situation in Kirkuk? Is it rightfully Kurdish or are there some legitimate Arab claims to it? Why is it so important?

A: The situation in Kirkuk is not normalized yet. Kirkuk was originally a Kurdish city with Arab, Turkmen and Christian minorities. This city during Saddam’s regime became Arabized by forcing Kurdish families to leave their native home and replacing them by Arab families from the Middle and South of Iraq. This process happened especially in Kirkuk and Khanaqin. Later, those Kurdish families became refugees in other cities of Iraqi Kurdistan and stayed there, especially in Sulaimania, Erbil, and Dhok. After the liberation of Iraq, those families tried to get back home but they could not. There was even an article in the Iraqi transitional constitution in 2003, article 58, that tried to normalize the Kirkuk situation but the Iraqi government and coalition forces did not implement it. The Kirkuk situation is still not better especially because there is a security problem and therefore the Kurds are not satisfied with what’s going on in Kirkuk. Whether the Kurds will be able to return home depends on article 140 in the new Iraqi constitution. There should be a referendum in 2007 to determine whether Kirkuk will be part of Iraq or Kurdistan. In the Kurdish view, Kirkuk is so important not just because of oil, but also because it’s part of our country, Kurdistan.

Q: Describe the affects the US invasion of Iraq has had on the Kurdish people and Kurdistan. What is the general feeling of the Kurdish people towards this 2nd Gulf War?

A: The US invasion made a very good impression on the Kurdish people because the US overthrew our main enemy in Iraq, Saddam Hussein. His regime oppressed us for 35 years. The Kurdish people were very happy with the war; we felt that the US came to punish our enemy and liberate us. It was the first time in our life that the warplanes over Kurdistan’s sky fought against our enemy. We supported the invasion because it was against the most dictatorial regime in the world. We raised an American flag beside the Kurdish flag and put the American president’s photo beside Kurdish leaders’ photos and we celebrated for days with one of the biggest parties in our history.

Q: How did Saddam Hussein treat the Kurdish people? Can you describe the Anfal campaign, Arabization, and some other ways Hussein oppressed the Kurds?

A: Saddam’s regime treated the Kurdish people very badly. Saddam did not just oppress Kurdish fighters, but oppressed all the Kurdish people, all children and old people as well. The Anfal campaign is the biggest crime Saddam did against the Kurdish people. Anfal is a long story; I cannot describe it in just a few sentences. In general, Anfal was a process where the Iraqi Army attacked Kurdish villages and towns in Kurdistan, even with chemical weapons. They destroyed many villages and killed many people. Later, the Iraqi Army arrested those still alive and took them to the South of Iraq and separated parents from children. Later, after 3 to 5 months, they released the old people. The rest of the Kurdish families, about 182,000 people including women and children, were burned alive and thrown in a ditch. After the Iraq War, we found many mass-graves. Some of them were recognized as deaths from the Anfal campaign. Arabization was a long process by Saddam’s regime to destroy Kurdish identity and culture. Saddam tried to Arabize Kurdistan’s demographic by forcing Kurdish families to leave their homes and replacing them with Arab families, especially in Kirkuk, Khanaqin, and Mosul. Also, the education system was another part of Arabization by teaching Arabic culture, history, and geography of the Arab homeland to Kurdish students.

Q: What is the prospect for a proper Kurdish state? What role do Iran, Turkey, Syria and other countries play in the goal for a completely independent Kurdistan?

A: In Iraqi Kurdistan, all of the Kurds want to have their own Kurdish state, but there is a lack of international and regional support and many other obstacles blocking this main Kurdish dream. Our leaders usually say we will stay with the united Iraq despite our right to a Kurdish independent state. Regional powers always take the role of suppressing any Kurdish attempts to establish a Kurdish state in the Middle East. They are still scared about what's going on in Iraqi Kurdistan after Iraq war. After the US came to our region, those regional powers are much less powerful against the Kurds. Like before, America and Israel, and Western powers have a bigger role in Kurdistan and in the goal of a Kurdish independent state. Therefore the Kurds, with their support, will determine Kurdistan’s fate. Finally, the Kurdish state will be born in the near future.

Q: What is the main issue of friction between Kurdish groups such as the PUK, KDP, and PKK? Do you think the violence of the PKK in Turkey is helpful in changing attitudes about Kurdish rights? How are Kurds treated in Turkey?

A: The Kurdish political parties in Iraqi Kurdistan have their own structure. They were born in the specific political, social, and economic situation in Iraqi Kurdistan. There is no friction between the PUK and KDP. Both have political and national approaches for the same goals and there is no ideological friction between them. When they fought each other in 2004-2006 it was due to political and economic power because both declared that they were the Kurdish party fighting for Kurdish rights and interests in Iraq. The PKK was born in Turkey and therefore has a different view of Kurdish problems. They call for a greater Kurdistan. PUK and KDP never call for greater Kurdistan. The PKK’s use of violence in Turkey will not solve Kurdish problems. I do believe that the Kurdish problem will be solved peacefully in Turkey. The Kurds are treated badly in Turkey. They still do not have cultural and national rights there. The EU has warned Turkey many times about violating Kurdish rights. It is another obstacle to Turkey’s membership to the EU.

Q: How has Kurdistan progressed and grown, economically and politically, since the 2003 US invasion?

A: Since the US invasion, Kurdistan has been progressing in many main aspects, especially politically and economically. On the local level, we have achieved many important political gains for Kurds in Iraq. Internationally, the Kurdish case has advanced. We have become allies of the US and England, and we have established new relations with many Western countries. Since the invasion, many countries, especially America and Europe, have focused on Kurdistan. They want to build political, diplomatic and economic relations with Iraqi Kurdistan. They will even have a diplomatic mission in Kurdistan. Our foundations and organizations have become members of international organizations, and recently the Kurdistan regional government officially agreed to take part in UN conventions and meetings. Economically our budget increased and many Western and regional companies are coming to Kurdistan to invest. We have started digging oilfields in Kurdistan. Also since the invasion, we have built two international airports, which have had a major influence on the economic and political situations because of direct flights between Kurdistan, Europe, and Middle Eastern countries.

Q: Do you think Jalal Talabani, the president of Iraq, is doing a good job? What is the significance of having a Kurdish politician in the higher realms of the Iraqi government?

A: I do think Jalal Talabani is doing a good job in Baghdad. We still live within Iraq and should therefore be part of the Iraqi government. We need to be able to oppose those Arabs who will create problems for the Kurds and Kurdistan. For example, Talabani opposed Ibrahim Jafari, former Iraqi Prime Minister, when he made decisions unfavorable to Iraqi Kurds. We are not in Baghdad to serve the Arabs. We are there to support and achieve political and national rights for which we have fought over a large part of Iraq’s history. If there were no Kurdish politician in the higher levels of the Iraqi government, the Arabs would violate Kurdish rights and make more problems for the Kurds. Having Talabani, Kurdish ministers, and Kurdish members in the Iraqi parliament is important for Kurdistan. We are in Baghdad defending and protecting the achievements we have made in Iraqi Kurdistan and are participating in shaping and forming the new Iraqi government, which will never attack Kurdistan again.

Q: What are the future prospects of Iraq in general? How is the fighting in the center, Anbar province, and Baghdad to stop? Can Iraq unify or do separate countries need to be made along ethnic lines such as Kurdistan in the north, a Sunni country in the middle, and Shiites in the south?

A: I get information on the central and Southern Iraq via the media. Iraq is already separated into three provinces, but that is not recognized officially except for the Kurdistan region, which is recognized by Iraqi constitution as a federal region. There is the possibility of establishing a Kurdish state in the north of Iraq because we have the main elements of a state, like a good economic and security situation. And we have more than 15 years experience administrating Kurdistan. In the future, Iraq will separate into three states, but those states might be within a federal government in Baghdad.